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June 28, 2006

Witkiewicz & Futurism - The Crazy Locomotive


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Stanislaw I. Witkiewicz, self-portrait, before 1914

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Download Witkiewicz' Play 'The Crazy Locomotive'

Download this text as PDF

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Contents

1. A Mockery of Futurism
2. The Guillotine Steering Wheel & The Impaling Throttle
3. Philosophical Speed
4. Fascist Futurism
5. Polish Futurism
6. Last Stop Death



TRÉFALDI: As for me, I've nothing left to say. I have the feeling that all my thoughts have been snuffed out of my brain. I am only an extension of this throttle, as if my brains had been skewered and spitted on this iron lever. But it's much more than that; I've become the engine. I'm the one that's racing through space like a bull, ready to impale myself on the blade of my destiny. Yes, it's really a momentous occasion. They ought to put a sign up over our heads: “Do not touch, danger, high voltage!” If a normal person, standing on firm ground, touched me, he'd fall down dead as though struck by lightning. Is this the beginning of mechanized madness?

TRAVAILLAC: I'm amazed at your modesty, Karl: first you tell us you have nothing to say, then you talk your head off.

TRÉFALDI: I only exist as a moving image projected on a screen in the endless void. I think if the engine stopped suddenly, I'd die.

The Crazy Locomotive (Szalona Lokomotywa) 1923, Stansisław Ignacy Witkiewicz, translated by Daniel Gerould & C.S. Durer
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1. A Mockery of Futurism

In his explicitly philosophical writings and in the philosophical outbursts with which his characters pepper his novels, the elitist, aristocratic and nostalgic side of Witkiewicz decries the mechanization and automatization of the modern world.

Witkiewicz fought for the Russian army during World War I and, after being severely wounded in July 1916, was in St. Petersburg convalescing during 1917, and so witnessed both the popular February Revolution and Bolshevik October Revolution firsthand. Even though he was elected commander of his battalion by his men after the February Revolution, his aristocratic background put his life in danger after the Bolshevik seizure of power. Witkiewicz seems to have been deeply traumatised by what he saw in Russia: he never spoke about it, but revolution and its collective, hysterical violence haunt and shape much of Witkiewicz's writings [1].

This simmering fear of revolution is coupled with acute philosophical horror of modernity. This is the basic template that Witkiewicz returns to obsessively: the collapse of Christian values (along with the high artistic culture and elitist political structures that they propped up) has stripped humanity down to its naked, machinic core: without Christian metaphysics, humans are raw biological automatons waiting to be devoured by the blind, mechanized beast of modernity, and easy psychological prey for various collectivizing political programs.

The Crazy Locomotive, a play which involves a locomotive engineer and a locomotive fireman hijacking their own train and driving it at full throttle towards the absolute (strictly as a metaphysical experiment, mind you) is the text in which Witkiewicz grapples most directly with the machine.

Witkiewicz utilizes the mechanized techniques of the enemy to subvert and destroy mechanization. The machine, simultaneously exploited and attacked, is both the locomotive engine and the movie projector. The Crazy Locomotive is a superparody – of the worship of the machine and of the new arts of technology: futurism and cinema. By his ironic appropriation of their ideas and devices, Witkiewicz was able to create an anti-futuristic, anti-cinematic play that has all the metallic brilliance and frantic speed which he is mocking. Daniel Gerould, Introduction to The Crazy Locomotive

It's not quite so simple, however. Witkiewicz is one of those writers to whom Blake's diagnosis of Milton can be applied: he wrote 'at liberty when of Devils & Hell... because he was a true Poet and of the Devil's party without knowing it'. Like Milton, Witkiewicz is at his most tantalizing when he gives full rein to the very forces he (officially) deplores. When his mischievous artistic demons are in full control, Witkiewicz' texts overflow with brilliant insanity and relentless, acidic parody from which nothing is safe, and in which nothing is sacred, not the play itself, not theatre, and least of all the playwright's own persona, pretensions or philosophy. Witkiewicz the po-faced moralizer gives way to Witkiewicz the lucidly deranged artist.

A quick look at what Witkiewicz was parodying.

2. The Guillotine Steering Wheel & The Impaling Throttle

The Futurist Manifesto is literary amphetamine: dodgy, dangerous and pulsing with adrenalin. The manifesto itself is preceded by poetically intense description of a brush with death in a car crash:

We went up to the three snorting beasts, to lay amorous hands on their torrid breasts. I stretched out on my car like a corpse on its bier, but revived at once under the steering wheel, a guillotine blade that threatened my stomach.

The raging broom of madness swept us out of ourselves and drove us through streets as rough and deep as the beds of torrents. Here and there, sick lamplight through window glass taught us to distrust the deceitful mathematics of our perishing eyes.

I cried, “The scent, the scent alone is enough for our beasts.”

And like young lions we ran after Death, its dark pelt blotched with pale crosses as it escaped down the vast violet living and throbbing sky.

But we had no ideal Mistress raising her divine form to the clouds, nor any cruel Queen to whom to offer our bodies, twisted like Byzantine rings! There was nothing to make us wish for death, unless the wish to be free at last from the weight of our courage!

And on we raced, hurling watchdogs against doorsteps, curling them under our burning tires like collars under a flatiron. Death, domesticated, met me at every turn, gracefully holding out a paw, or once in a while hunkering down, making velvety caressing eyes at me from every puddle.

“Let’s break out of the horrible shell of wisdom and throw ourselves like pride-ripened fruit into the wide, contorted mouth of the wind! Let’s give ourselves utterly to the Unknown, not in desperation but only to replenish the deep wells of the Absurd!”

The words were scarcely out of my mouth when I spun my car around with the frenzy of a dog trying to bite its tail, and there, suddenly, were two cyclists coming towards me, shaking their fists, wobbling like two equally convincing but nevertheless contradictory arguments. Their stupid dilemma was blocking my way—Damn! Ouch!... I stopped short and to my disgust rolled over into a ditch with my wheels in the air...

The violence of Marinetti's 'steering wheel, a guillotine blade that threatened my stomach' is echoed and mutated by the 'throttle' in Witkiewicz' play. Tenser/Trefaldi's fate is bound up with the throttle, and the assemblage they form, is tracked by stage directions and character comments throughout the play:

(When Tenser pushes the throttle down, the gestures he makes are exaggerated and impressive. All the while the locomotive chugs along faster and faster) Act I

Later, as the locomotive picks up speed and the villains draw closer to their metaphysical aim, Tréfaldi becomes psychologically and neurologically impaled on the throttle:

I am only an extension of this throttle, as if my brains had been skewered and spitted on this iron lever. (Act II)

In the wreckage of the Epilogue, the throttle's violence reaches its peak, becoming the physical cause of death, thus finally realizing the threat to Marinetti's stomach:

Don't you see, my good man, that all my guts are spilling out? I'm almost dead. The throttle went into my belly at least twelve inches.


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From Text and The Avant-Garde


3. Philosophical Speed

In the prelude to the Futurist Manifesto, speed enables the artist to dice with death in his car and drive towards the absurdity of the absolute; speed propels the artist away from the inertia of life towards death and the Unknown.
In the Manifesto proper, Marinneti invokes speed as a newly created metaphysical quantity:

4. We affirm that the world’s magnificence has been enriched by a new beauty: the beauty of speed. A racing car whose hood is adorned with great pipes, like serpents of explosive breath—a roaring car that seems to ride on grapeshot is more beautiful than the Victory of Samothrace.

8. We stand on the last promontory of the centuries!... Why should we look back, when what we want is to break down the mysterious doors of the Impossible? Time and Space died yesterday. We already live in the absolute, because we have created eternal, omnipresent speed.

Mechanized speed liberates humanity from the ponderous restrictions and progress of nature. Humanity, caught up in the nervous excitement of modernity, is also surrounded and dwarfed by creatures of its own making:

11. We will sing of great crowds excited by work, by pleasure, and by riot; we will sing of the multicolored, polyphonic tides of revolution in the modern capitals; we will sing of the vibrant nightly fervor of arsenals and shipyards blazing with violent electric moons; greedy railway stations that devour smoke-plumed serpents; factories hung on clouds by the crooked lines of their smoke; bridges that stride the rivers like giant gymnasts, flashing in the sun with a glitter of knives; adventurous steamers that sniff the horizon; deep-chested locomotives whose wheels paw the tracks like the hooves of enormous steel horses bridled by tubing; and the sleek flight of planes whose propellers chatter in the wind like banners and seem to cheer like an enthusiastic crowd.

The machines, larger, faster and hungrier than humanity, have done the impossible – annihilated time, space and gravity. In the face of such (apparently) liberating metaphysical potential, the past is seen as a macabre hindrance, a dead weight:

Museums: cemeteries!... Identical, surely, in the sinister promiscuity of so many bodies unknown to one another. Museums: public dormitories where one lies forever beside hated or unknown beings. Museums: absurd abattoirs of painters and sculptors ferociously slaughtering each other with color-blows and line-blows, the length of the fought-over walls! ...

... Do you, then, wish to waste all your best powers in this eternal and futile worship of the past, from which you emerge fatally exhausted, shrunken, beaten down?

When unleashed, the mechanized beasts and the speed they create enable a complete break to be made: the drag of the past can be left behind, once and for all. In Italian Futurism the machine is set up as a model of perfection towards which the human should strive; it is an idolisation or deification of the machine.

Witkiewicz' The Crazy Locomotive is a finely calibrated text: the gathering momentum of the locomotive is immanent to the actions and psychological states of the characters. No sooner do the engineer and fireman get the engine up to speed than they begin philosophizing:

Tenser: ... Ever since we got on the locomotive, everything's been going well. Except for the minor problem of the next station, we're alone on this iron beast, totally isolated from the rest of the world. We're not only rushing through space, we're intensely aware of it...

Nicholas: ... As I was firing up this beast (he hits the firebox with his fist), something vague and formless began to stir in my brain. But for me the meaning of our existence ultimately becomes shrouded in inner darkness. Only action, not contemplation, can make it clear to us...

Tenser: ... How can we carry this point of view of ours over into that other sphere which has grown flabby out of sheer inertia and yet at the same time observe everything from this locomotive hurtling through space? That's the problem...

Nicholas: ... Everything goes along smoothly here, but it's completely two-dimensional like the surface of a painting – everything stays in its place as if it were frozen, although it's actually moving. Funny, isn't it? ... So far we are evenly matched. Just think of it: at the very same moment in history, Existence in all its infinity and the two of us, alone, on this galloping monster adrift from all mankind. Even if you tried for a thousand years, you couldn't think up anything like that.

Speed propels the railway workers through a succession of lucid decisions concerning their course of action – their thinking is bound up with action. Unlike Beckett's Estragon and Vladimir, “Witkiewicz' absurd duo are willful participants in a soul-shattering adventure... both the engineer and his fireman are actively pursuing a goal rather than waiting passively for something to happen.” [2] Their first decision is to unmask themselves – they are actually both, unbeknown to each other, notorious murderers who are only posing as railway workers. (The fact that they have worked together for years in the engine without either suspecting that the other is a closet arch-criminal only goes to show how few concessions Witkiewicz made to plausibility and realism.) The second decision, the outcome of the duo's high-speed philosophizing, is to drive the train to the absolute of God's Judgment, as a kind of duel, to see who will get the girl – Julia - who, it just so happens, both are in love with.

Immediately after deciding on this course of action, Julia and Trefaldi's accomplice-wife suddenly crawl up into the engine as it transpires - surprise surprise - they had secretly got on the train. Julia, officially Nicholas-Travaillac's fiancee, is very turned on by the whole idea of crashing in a train along with two men who are besotted with her:

JULIA: No... it's you... That's incredible! Trefaldi, the most notorious criminal in the world! Oh – how perfectly marvellous! I'm so happy! I've always dreamed of something really extraordinary happening to me, like in the movies!

TRAVAILLAC : Don't I count for something? And don't my crimes mean anything to you? You'd better be careful, Julia; I can kill His Highness and stop the train at any moment.

JULIA: (kissing Travaillac) I love you both. Now I'm really in love for the first time, and with both of you. At this very moment both of you are extraordinary. Something's being created right here and now, the way it was in the beginning before the world began.

TREFALDI: Here's a girl who's really worthy of us! We couldn't possibly abandon our plan, could we? We have to do it, Travaillac! We couldn't go on lying unless we did it. Isn't that so?

Meanwhile, Abracadabra, Trefaldi's unfortunate wife, who is not quite so keen on being turned to mincemeat in the imminent crash, is at first gagged and tied, and then disposed of for making a nuisance of herself:

TREFALDI: We're coming to the station! I can't let go of the throttle. Throw that trash out – it's got no soul. We're not going to let that disgusting old bag spoil these precious moments with her filthy talk! (Travaillac and Julia throw Erna Abracadabra out from the left side).

TRAVAILLAC: (leans out to see if everything went successfully) She's smashed to pieces against a pump! Here's the station.

At the end of act two, Minna, who is part of a party that has broken into the engine in order to put a stop to the criminals' dastardly plan, falls in love with Travaillac at the moment of impact:

MINNA: No, you're mine! Mine! We'll die together! There'll be nothing left of us but glue!

In Witkiewicz' breakneck two-Act play, speed smoothly and ineluctably summons up basic instincts. The sex and death drives kept under check by the inertia of survival-oriented civilisation rear their heads as the train heads towards impact:

The characters abound in energy that parallel the driving force of the engine; as the locomotive speeds up, it releases the deepest and darkest forces of normally hidden within the subconscious recesses of their personalities and permits them to break through into frenzied action. Minna's uncontrollable passion for Travaillac and Julia's ecstasy in being in love with both Trefaldi and Travaillac are other manifestations of the same subliminal urges; like the frantic speed and the feverish talk, sexual attraction is an irrational, elemental plunge beyond all the bounds of society and the normal laws of conduct. [3]


4. Fascist Futurism

The Italian Futurists are infamous for having given fascism a helping hand.

Marinetti in the Founding Manifesto of Futurism (1909):

9. We will glorify war—the world’s only hygiene—militarism, patriotism, the destructive gesture of freedom-bringers, beautiful ideas worth dying for, and scorn for woman.

And in War, the World's Only Hygiene (1915):

For us today, Italy has the shape and power of a fine Dreadnought battleship with its squadron of torpedo-boat islands. Proud to feel that the marital fervor throughout the Nation is equal to ours, we urge the Italian government, Futurist at last, to magnify all the national ambitions, disdaining the stupid accusations of piracy, and proclaim the birth of Panitalianism.

Futurist poets, painters, sculptors, and musicians of Italy! As long as the war lasts let us set aside our verse, our brushes, scalpels, and orchestras! The red holidays of genius have begun! There is nothing for us to admire today but the dreadful symphonies of the shrapnels and the mad sculptures that our inspired artillery molds among the masses of the enemy.

Italian Futurism, under Marinetti's leadership, was an artistic-political movement that embraced the transcendent potential of technology and humanity's most brutal instincts in equal measure. The Italian Futurists were not guilty of having a blind faith in technological progress, a faith betrayed by the darkest instincts of Homo sapiens: on the contrary, they affirmed those instincts from the outset; by celebrating primate-patriarchal violence and glorifying tribal-patriotic war they condemned futurism to a regressive, nihilistic line of abolition.

[for details of Marinetti's involvement in Italian Fascism: Futurism & Politics, by Bob Osborn]


5. Polish Futurism

Futurism was not bound to put its money on the fascist, nationalist, war-mongering horse. Futurism followed very different trajectories outside Italy, in Russia and Poland.

Polish Futurism followed the Italian Futurists' rejection of the past, but leaned very much to the left, placed much more emphasis on the social function of art, and, in contrast to Marinetti's 'scorn for woman', made a conscious effort to be 'pro-woman'. The Polish Futurists refused to glorify war and violence (not surprisingly, given that Poland bore the brunt of the Eastern Front in World War I) and produced an utterly new conception of the machine.

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Bruno Jasieński

Heavily influenced by the Russian futurist Mayakovsky, Polish Futurism announced its existence in 1921, with Bruno Jasieński'sManifesto concerning the Immediate Futurization of Life”:

...Technology is just as much an art form as painting, sculpture or architecture.

A good machine is a model and the highest work of art, by virtue of its combination of economy, functionality and dynamism. Morse's electric telegraph is 1000 times greater as an artistic masterpiece than Byron's “Don Juan”.
Among architectural, plastic and technical works of art we distinguish WOMAN as a perfect reproductive machine.
Woman is an inestimable strength whose exceptional powers have not been fully realized. We demand complete equal rights for woman in all the fields of private and public life. Above all, equal rights in erotic and family relationships....

... We highlight the erotic moment as one of the most fundamental functions of life in general. It is one of the basic and important sources joy in life, on condition that it is straightforward, clear and sunny.

Sexual tragedies á la Przybyszewski are distasteful and only go to prove the spinelessness and impotence of contemporary manhood. We call on women, healthier and physically stronger, to take the lead in this field...


The Polish Futurists put their hopes in the 'new people' that World War I 'threw up to the surface':
We, the futurists, are the first to reach out to the 'new people' with the hand of friendship/brotherhood. They will be that healthy, reviving sap which will refresh the old, degenerate race of yesterday, that painful but necessary vaccine that inoculated the whole decaying and stinking pre-war Europe with huge cataclysmic events.
In 1923, when Jasieński reflected on and assessed the Futurist movements, he contrasted Polish Futurism with it's Italian and Russian forebears: while the Italians idolised and worshipped machines, seeing them as perfect organisms, superior to the human, and while the Russians viewed the machine as a servant of the proletariat, having a purely economic function, the Polish Futurists (or at least their mouthpiece Jasieński) viewed the human itself as a material machine - the machinery of industrialisation was an externalisation and extension of human biological machinery. The object is not to idolise or enslave machines, but to rebuild the human psychologically, to make it comes to terms with the fact it is a machine and help it respond to the rapidly changing environment that its increasingly autonomous externalised machinery is creating:

In his ceaseless expansion and externalisation, Man must create ever more forms of perception, i.e. constantly restructure himself in relation to new riddles which are springing up around him, which he has to stand up to. One of these riddles is the machine. The machine is not Man's product – is is His superstructure, his new organ, essential to him at this stage of development. The relationship between Man and the machine is the relationship of an organism to a new organ.[Jasieński's emphasis] It is the slave of Man only to the extent that his own hand is a slave, both being subject to orders from the same brain headquarters. Contemporary man would be crippled if he were deprived of one or the other.

The task of contemporary art is to bring this most basic moment for the modern understanding of culture to collective consciousness, making it its blood and unconscious/incomprehensible feeling. Art can do this not through eulogizing machines (which is a topic no more valuable than thousands others), not through bringing real machines into art (which many artistic methods could do), but through the construction of its own, new organism on the basis of machine laws: economy, functionality and dynamism. For this reason, despite the fact Polish Futurism has focused far less on the machine as a topic than Italian Futurism, it has accomplished far more along these lines. [from Polish Futurism, Balance Sheet (1923)]

In the twenties Jasieński's applied this conception of continual redesign to his own writing, refusing to let it get shackled to previous production. He viewed manifestos as signalling the end of a movement rather than the beginning, which is why, in 1923, just two years after writing the initial manifestos for Polish Futurism, Jasieński declared that he was no longer a Futurist:

A movement captured in formulae is already a dead movement, a barrier that it is necessary to go beyond. People are living, as are those who do not create according to their manifesto.

Polish Futurism cut and pasted points, ideas and attitudes from Italian and Russian Futurisms to produce a new, mutant brand of Futurism adapted to the context of postwar Poland. The Polish Futurists actually made adaptation one of the defining characteristics of their program.

Jasieński calculated that the average worker has between 5 and 15 minutes to spare for art each day. The response to this is to create art in specially prepared capsules that contain nothing that is not absolutely essential and which, crucially, do not waste the time of the masses:

A work of art is an extract. When dissolved in the glass of everyday life it should tinge the whole day with its colour...Before putting their work into print, an artist is obliged to squeeze out every last drop of excess water. Any artist who does not obey this resolution will be held responsible before society just like ordinary thieves and charged with theft of time. Manifesto Concerning Futuristic Poetry (1921)

The job of the futurist artist is not to be aloof and create eternal works of art, or art for arts sake, but rather to join the masses and work like them, turning out fleeting works of art adapted to the fluctuations of daily life: “The ultimate value of a work of art is somewhere between 24 hours and a month.”

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Cover for Song of Hunger (1922)

However, Futurism in Poland did not become the popular movement it prescribed as being necessary for Poland – it never got beyond provocative happenings and publications. Unlike Italian Futurism, which had a deep and lengthy relationship with fascist politics, and unlike Russian Futurism, which had to be brought into line by the dour realist aesthetics of Lenin and Stalin's regime, Polish Futurism was basically an ineffectual literary affair that fizzled out and was finished off by its proponents before they went their own separate (but mostly communist) ways.

Jasieński contrasted manifestos with life – manifestos are the death of a movement and the enemies of creativity. But this is precisely what makes manifestos so powerful and dangerous. Like genomes, manifestos are a set of efficient, non-living instructions, with an eerie capacity to shape life and program alliances and destinies. As externalised, autonomous textual machinery, manifestos can haunt their authors.

Italian and Polish Futurism both affirmed and attached themselves to collectivizing and mechanizing social formations, so it was perhaps inevitable that Italian Futurism would throw its lot in with fascism (which organized the collective around brutal nationalism) and that the Polish Futurists would be swallowed up by communism (which viciously collectivized in the name of the proletariat). This is a round about way of suggesting that it is no accident that, after exalting the working masses in the early twenties, most of the Polish Futurists would eventually find themselves in Stalin's treacherous hands in the thirties.

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Bruno Jasieński, by Witkiewicz 1921

6. Last Stop Death

BEAN: Yes – they really are lunatics! This madness is contagious, it's becoming universal. Unless somebody does something, we're lost...

GUSTER: Yes, but not one of us has a gun! How could anyone have foreseen this! Such a respectable company! And now we're getting closer and closer to death every second! Death on all sides – it's enough to drive you out of your mind!... It's shocking that at this stage of civilisation our lives are in the hands of such people. I just can't believe I'm here on this locomotive....

ACT II, The Crazy Locomotive

Just before The Crazy Locomotive 'bursts into fragments' and most of the passengers are 'squashed into a jelly and chopped up like cabbage', a group of terrified passengers, gendarmes and thugs crawl up into the engine and try to prevent Trefaldi and Travaillac from crashing the train and killing them all.

Both the villains' philosophizing and the passengers' rescue attempt descend into cinematic slapstick chaos – the male would-be rescuers are overcome by cowardice, incompetence and the seduction of gadgets (“The link in the Heisenger von Waldeck System. A beautiful gadget – in my day we didn't have anything like it.”), while Minna, who succeeds where the men fail, by giving Trefaldi a couple of good whacks over the head with a shovel, succumbs to the charms of her other would-be killer, Travaillac, seconds before impact.

As a futuristic machine, the crazy locomotive is very much under human control – Trefaldi has his hand on the throttle until the thug becomes mesmerised by it at the end – the question is more whether humans are in control of themselves in the presence of the machine. Trefaldi and Travaillac are quite lucid about their nihilistic, metaphysical endeavour and comment on the effects the engine and its parts are having on their consciousness and desire. The engine stokes their diabolical thinking as much as they stoke the engine.

Yet while these two reach their murderous philosophical conclusions with ruthless indifference to the lives of other passengers, the passengers turn out to be powerless to stop them. Turbulence Guster complains that their lives are in the hands of lunatics but lacks the nerve to intervene. The passengers spend more time talking to the dastardly duo than they spend doing anything. Julia and Minna compete for the affections of Travaillac.

GUSTER: For God's sake, Conductor, let's not waste time arguing! We're not at the theatre watching a play! You've got to help us somehow. After all, I know you personally.

CONDUCTOR: I don't have any idea what to do. I don't even know where the steering wheel is! All I can do is punch tickets or check whether they've already been punched. Specialization is the great curse of our age, wouldn't you agree.


Witkiewicz' response to Futurism is to show how easily the machine can be hijacked and made to serve nihilistic agendas and how easily human beings can be propelled towards the kind of libidinally hyper-charged carnage, insanity and death that engulf the Epilogue of the play. “The madness is contagious...”

With Witkiewicz, at the end of the day it all comes down to metaphysics – Trefaldi and Travaillac have a powerful, contagious metaphysics which they impose on the rest of the train, and whilst they do so, the passengers are distracted by pulp fictional versions of the very narrative they themselves are in:

TRAVAILLAC: ... But just think: here we are talking about all this, and back there, in one of the car on the trains someone's reading about the very same thing, a story just like ours, in a murder mystery from the lending library. Funny, isn't it!
The Polish Futurists put their faith in the masses and sought to provide artistic sustenance for them in the form of capsule-extracts (a forerunner for Witkiewicz' Murti Bing pills), seemingly unaware that the collective and the machinic superstructure can be manipulated by determined individuals with crazy ideas and plunged into a line of abolition.
Minna: It's all a hoax, a hideous joke! It's due to the influence of modern art!
The acidic self-referentiality and self-mockery that burn holes in Witkiewicz' play acknowledge that theatre now has little control over the direction the crazy locomotive of modernity is taking, as the masses are now fed and narcotized with film and pulp fiction.

Witkiewicz was totally at odds with the Polish Futurists' ambitious (and unrealistic) desire to provide 15 minute literature-pills that would help the masses as they toiled through their busy day.

For Witkiewicz, the fundamental purpose of art was to provoke metaphysical shock, and it is to this end that his hyper-kinetic parody and relentless, ruthless mockery is deployed. The theatre is inevitably doomed in its attempt to compete with cinema, but it can hold up a hilarious mirror before shattering it to smithereens.

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Notes:
[1] The Witkiewicz Reader, Daniel Gerould pp75-78
[2] Introduction to The Crazy Locomotive, Daniel Gerould & C.S, Durer, Applause 1989
[3] ibid.

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Multiple self-portrait in mirrors, St. Petersburg 1915-17, The Collection of E. Franczak & S. Okołowicz

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June 24, 2006

Workers Against the Communist State - Radom, June 25 1976


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"Radom, Mayday Street, 25th June 1976 - workers demonstration outside the burning building of the Regional Party Headquarters"from Gazeta Wyborcza 24.06.2006

Contents

1. Calendar of Events for the Events of Summer 1976
2. The Accounts of Radom Workers
3. Extracts from Warsaw Life, 29.06.1976


1. Calendar of Events for the Events of Summer 1976

[my translation of parts of this text from Gazeta Wyborcza]

24th June 1976 - Prime Minister Piotr Jaroszewicz presented the government’s project of drastic price rises in a televised address to Parliament: meat was to go up nearly 69%, cheese and butter by 50% and sugar by 100%... Parliament approved the project. The rises were to be implemented from Monday 28 June.

25th June 1976 - On Friday at dawn long queues begin to form outside food shops. People buy up everything that is supposed to increase in price. Above all sugar - previously readily available in the shops, from now on sugar will be in short supply to end of the People's Republic of Poland.

25th June 1976 – In the morning strikes begin in over 50 factories in Poland. In the afternoon there are close to a hundred. The largest gathered momentum in Radom, in a tractor factory in Ursus and at a Petrochemical Plant in Płock.

At 7 o’clock in the morning the first strikes started at the ‘Walter’ metal plants in Radom. About eight of the factories began demonstrating, and more began to join them. Some time after 14.30 the protesters set fire to the regional party headquarters and there is violent street fighting until midnight. ZOMO enter the town, followed by the army.

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"Radom Town Centre, 2.30pm, 25.06.76 - ZOMO Units armed with long batons prepare to attack the workers' protest"

In Płock the workers at the Petrochemical plant strike from morning but do not come out onto the streets until the afternoon. The demonstration is peaceful and is not put down by ZOMO until 9 o’ clock in the evening.

In Ursus the workers come out onto the square in front of the factory and block the train tracks, holding up the Paris-Moscow train, among others.


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"On the morning of the 25th of June the workers of Ursus blocked the train tracks in front of the tractor factory, to inform the country of their protest. They tried to weld the train engine to the tracks, but it did not work."

In the evening of this day the Poles watched a visibly upset Prime Minister Jaroszewiza withdraw the price rises on TV.

In Ursus, the workers began to head to their homes after the Prime Minister’s announcement, but they were attacked by security forces as they dispersed.

Those detained in each town were treated to severe beatings (in some cases detainees were forced to run the gauntlet) involving beatings with batons and kickings. The largest number of people - 600 - were detained in Radom, where round-ups started before the evening. 2500 people were detained in the country as a whole, with 350 people sentenced at rushed trials.

26th June - Edward Gierek, the First Secretary of PZPR (the Polish United Worker’s Party) holds a teleconference with the secretary’s of the regional party committees. He recommends beginning a propaganda campaign which was supposed to convince people that strikers harm the country. He also urged the use of aggressive language: “The more curses aimed at these people the better – and even demand that these irresponsible elements be given the boot from work.”

28th June - An aggressive propaganda campaign begins in the press, and on radio and television. The authorities organize thousands of rallies in support of the regime... The workers of Radom and Ursus are called “warchoły” (hooligans/ troublemakers/ brawlers) and this epithet becomes famous. The events in Płock are passed over.

19-20th July – Show trials in Radom’s Regional Court. In four mass trials many people are sentenced. Eight sentences were from 8 to 10 years. Eleven sentences were from 5 to 6 years, and six from 2 to 4 years.

2. The Accounts of Radom Workers

[my own translation of parts of this text from Gazeta Wyborcza]

Józef Szczepanik: - After being hit in the temple I lost consciousness. My colleagues told me that after I fainted one of the militia grabbed me by the throat and dragged me to the cell while a second one sat next to me and beat my legs and chest. After this my legs, chest and back was covered in bruises.

Waldemar Gutowski: - I was taken to the magistrate’s court. I couldn’t stand the torture and beatings and because of the pain I admitted to things I didn’t do. I saved my health this way.

Ryszard Nowak: - They told me that they would beat me until I admitted I stole something, even though I had never stolen anything from anyone in my life. I was so beaten up I thought I couldn’t bear it any longer.

Zbigniew Cibor: - I was beaten and kicked by the militia and prison guards so badly that blood poured from my nose and ears.

Piotr Wójcik: - I was thrown on the stove and chained to a radiator. They beat me together and I quickly lost consciousness. They used batons and lead handles, and they kicked me all over my body. Sometimes three of them beat me at once, sometimes five. Most of them were drunk. It lasted for five days.

Stanisław Adamski: - Beaten and kicked, chased from the top to the bottom of the prison. I was told that I would go through ‘the path of health’ (i.e. run the gauntlet) and that it would help me. After about two hours of continual beating I was thrown unconscious into the cell.

Zenon Baran: - In the van we had to lay down because the militia beat and kicked us, and treated us worse than animals. The militia beat me during the interrogations. And it happened that two of them held me and the third beat my back, head, legs, wherever he could.

Waldemar Michalski: - The first ‘path of health’ I walked the length of police vans, about fifty metres. They ordered me to walk slowly, so that all of them could hit me. They used their fists, batons and boots. I fell at the end. I couldn’t get back up because of the rain of blows.

Kazimierz Rybski: - When I came to, one of them asked me ‘Was that not enough for you?’ and ordered the other ‘Give it to him.’ They started to beat me with batons and kicked me as I lay on the floor.

Stanisław Wijata: - I was beaten with rubber batons 75cm long. Afterwards my whole back was black – we checked each other over in the cell.

Ferdynand Ufniarz: - At the Militia Headquarters they led me into a room and started to beat me so hard that I passed out. I came to in another room. I had a broken nose. In a dayroom a corporal started hitting and kicking me. At first I turned over, then I lost consciousness again. I woke up without any teeth.

Piotr Głowacki: - Two of them took batons and took it in turns to beat my back. They told me ‘We’ll manage without your help. We’ll take any boy from the plant, beat him a bit and he will say that he saw you set fire to the party headquarters. Or we’ll get one of the militia to say that he saw you and you’ll get done for arson.’

Grzegorz Jaroszek: I was lying with bare soles. Then they started to beat my soles with batons. At the start I felt pain in my sole and later I only felt as if someone was hammering a screw into my head.



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"Tear gas and water canon were used to disperse the demonstrators. After controlling the situation outside the headquarters ZOMO and the militia used these weapons in other streets, often attacking peaceful passersby. The stench of tear gas lingered in the centre for the next few days." Photograph by Tadeusz Krzemiński



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"WARSAW LIFE, Tuesday 29th June 1976 'The Indomitable Will to Continue the Realisation of the Thorough Development of the Fatherland' Full Support for the Correct Politics of the Party and the Government Thousands attend Rallies in Cities and Factories / Huge Demonstration in the Capital Thousands of Telegrams and Letters to the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers' Party, Edward Gierek, and the Prime Minister of the People's Republic of Poland, Piotr Jaroszewicz"

3. Extracts from Warsaw Life, 29.06.1976

[my own translation of parts of this text from Gazeta Wyborcza]

“We are against all troublemaking, and lawless acts which disrupt public order and harm that which he hold dearest – the successful development of the country and Poland’s authority in the world. We condemn the troublemakers and destroyers from Ursus and Radom. We express our utmost contempt and opposition and at the same time we demand severe punishment for those who carried out acts of violence and robbery, destroying the common good. We do not agree with disruptions at work and we express our disapproval of their organisers.” – this is a fragment from a resolution read at a rally in Szczecin by Roman Szemborn, the head turner at the Szczecin shipyard, A. Warski.

Speaking at the rally at the car factory in Jelcz, the workers Ryszard Werocy and Stanisław Cecko stated that those who caused damage to our general national wellbeing should repair the damage themselves.

At a rally in their factory, 900 representatives of the crew from the Centre for Computerised Systems of Automation and Measurement in Wrocław roundly condemned the irresponsible, riotous and asocial conduct that was displayed in Ursus and Radom. Logic and reason – not incendiarism – must be the only way to solve all our country’s problems democratically.

Nearly 15 thousand factory workers from Siedlec and the region, as well as leading farmworkers, took part in a rally. Full support was expressed, in heated, simple words, for the correct politics of PZPR and its management by the First Secretary of the Central Committee Edward Gierek... Those gathered gave an approving round of applause to a resolution written in honour of PZPR and Edward Giertek “We firmly condemn the unruly and hooligan elements from Radom and Ursus who have made further peaceful discussion impossible... who have given our fatherland a bad name.”

At a gathering in Bielsko-Biała, the old master Władysław Papkoj from the Car Factory said: “The whole country is waiting for our little Fiats. We will not allow incendiarists to ruin our peaceful existence. It is a shame that part of the crew from Ursus allowed themselves to be drawn into dishonourable actions against our generally accepted norms. And yet they have so much to do – farm workers are waiting for their tractors, they want to increase the fertility of our land. We demand severe punishment for those responsible.”



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"Radom, early afternoon. The workers from the second shift of Walter Factory drive towards the party headquarters."



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June 22, 2006

Bread & Freedom - Poznań June 1956


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Content

1. Photographs
2. Background Information & Assessment


1. Photographs




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'We Demand Bread'



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'Down with Russian Democracy'



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'Down with Dictatorship'



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Freedom, Bread



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'We want bread for our children'



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June 1956 Monument, Kochanowskiego Street



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Monument to those who fell in the Uprising



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'Rebel Town'



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All photos by Aneta

2. Background Information & Assessment


Poznań June 1956 Uprising

Reasons for the outbreak

In the mid-1950s, following Stalin's death, the communist system imposed on the Central and Eastern Europe ceased to be a monolith. The changes under way in the USSR have forced the communist authorities in Poland to review their policy. The first attempts at criticizing the "security", the much-hated pillar of the communist power in Poland led to loosening the grip of a psychosis of fear.

The contempt for Stalinism and willingness to overcome "the period of mistakes and perversions" coincided in Poznań with the dissatisfaction with both living and working conditions, which had been building up since early 1950s. Wielkopolska, like the rest of country, was subject to a mandatory adjustment of all spheres of life to the Soviet model. The traditional hospitality of Wielkopolska clashed in a brutal way with the practice of real socialism, which was accompanied by the atmosphere of blatant propaganda, class struggle and everyday life permeated with ideology to an extent unknown before. Each attempt at opposing the new reality was nipped in the bud and brutally repressed.

The sham of the planned socialist economy was especially severe for workers of large Poznań industrial plants. Workers used to pre-war arrangements, good work organisation and fair pay were finding it more and more difficult to support their families...


Warsaw Voice: Hot June '56, by M.M.

The rebellion On June 28, protests spread throughout Poznań and quickly transformed into bloody disturbances. Starting at 6 a.m., workers organized strikes in the city's largest plants, and then took to the streets in a procession that developed from a workers' demonstration into a mass manifestation by the residents of Poznań. A crowd of about 100,000 assembled in front of the City's People's Council Presidium headquarters in the former Prussian Imperial Palace. Workers demanded that the authorities withdraw the imposed production quotas, cut prices and raise wages. At this point the demonstration was still peaceful. Attempts were made to talk with representatives of the Provincial People's Council, but then the workers demanded direct talks with Prime Minister Józef Cyrankiewicz.

At one point, a rumor spread through the crowd about the alleged detention of members of the workers' delegation that had been to the talks in Warsaws. As a result, a crowd several thousand strong set off towards the prison and destroyed it, letting out 257 prisoners and destroying prison files. The prosecutor's office and court buildings were also captured, their files thrown out into the street and burnt. At one point, firearms fell into the hands of the protesters. One of the groups went to the railway station, halting train traffic. Devices used for jamming Western radio programs were thrown down from the roof of the Social Insurance Institution (ZUS) building on Dąbrowskiego Street. The crowd gathered in front of the court building, preventing firefighters from extinguishing the blaze. The unrest in the area of the prison, courthouse and the prosecutor's office lasted through noon.

Crackdown

Another group of demonstrators attacked the Provincial Public Security Office (UBP - the infamous communist secret political police founded and controlled by the Soviet NKVD) building on Kochanowskiego Street, where reinforcements had arrived earlier. At about 10:40 a.m., the first shots were fired from the building. In the afternoon, the authorities deployed regular military units to the city, at first just the 19th Armored Division, then another armored division and two infantry divisions. Altogether the city's pacification required over 10,000 soldiers, about 400 tanks and more than 30 armored vehicles. Under Deputy Minister of Defense Stanisław Popławski's command, those forces fought with groups of civilians, mostly young people, armed with 188 kinds of weapons, including one automatic rifle and bottles with gasoline. The violent exchanges lasted the afternoon of June 29, with sporadic shots fired through June 30. During the clashes, more than 70 people were killed, including a few soldiers and UBP functionaries, with about 900 injured on both sides.

Beginning on June 28, the authorities started to detain rioters. Those arrested were treated brutally. The intensive investigation, which employed the torture of detainees, was conducted by functionaries from Warsaw who intended to confirm the authorities' claim that the instigators of the events of June 28 were members of opposition groups or foreign agents. The authorities, were not, however, able to prove this claim.

Cut that hand off

For years afterwards, many people associated the Poznań June with the graphic phrase: "he who raises their hand against the people's state, let them know that the people's state will cut that hand off," which is a quote from one of Prime Minister Cyrankiewicz's speeches. Additionally, the image of Romek Strzałkowski, a 13-year-old participant in the demonstrations who was killed during the crackdown, became a powerful symbol of opposition to the authorities.

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June 16, 2006

Spoon, Shoes & Oil Lamp - the attempted erasure of Armenian memory


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Contents

1. Photographs
2. Spoon, Shoes & Oil Lamp
3. Komitas
4. The Background to the Genocide
5. The Genocide
6. Aghavni's Story
7. Targetting Memory
8. Hitler's 'Armenia Quote'


1. Photographs



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2. Spoon, Shoes & Oil Lamp

Vahan:

... the attempt to liquidate the Armenian memory came in two waves. First of all Turkey tried to wipe our culture out, and then Stalin purged the country in the thirties...

the oil lamp & kilim carpet

... The lamp comes from my grandfather – it’s from his studio. My grandfather survived the genocide, but I don’t know how, and I know very little about his life... I know he was an 'odlewnik' he worked with bronze, he cast bells for temples. Stalin melted the bells down to make artillery shells... Maybe my grandfather objected... When my father was four months old Stalin made sure that he would never remember his father, my grandfather. I have no concrete details – nobody talked about things like that during communism. When I asked questions I got short answers. So all I know is he was purged by Stalin... My father kept this oil lamp in his studio. My father was an artist and artistic families keep these objects as symbols. This lamp is the symbol of my grandfather. Now these symbolic objects have a life of their own – you see this lamp has moved to Poland and it’s in my studio. The function has changed – now it’s like a sculpture, a living symbol with the other symbols in my studio.

... behind the lamp is a kilim that has been passed down through the family. My father was born under it, and so was I...

shoes

I dug them from the earth near my family’s village in the countryside. They were typical village footwear, before people had what we would call proper shoes. They could be two hundred years old. I don’t know. There was also a pistol – I used to have it in my studio, but I couldn’t really bring it to Poland...

spoon

It’s my grandmother’s spoon. It’s a very specific spoon for stirring Harissa, a very thick soup. They’d cook it in a huge pot and so they needed such massive spoons... My grandmother was 14 when the genocide happened. Somehow she escaped, but she was orphaned and eventually ended up in a communist orphanage... My other grandmother, on my mother’s side was a classic example of a hardcore communist because she had been brought up in a communist orphanage... That’s what they did you see, indoctrinated them young. My maternal grandmother prayed to Stalin and strutted around as a director in her adult life...

... you can see the holes in the spoon. Well when I was young I broke the spoon and my grandmother didn’t have glue and the spoon was needed, so they drilled these holes in it and sewed it together with wire. I glued it together later...

3. Komitas

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Kapuściński:

Komitas is to Armenians what Chopin is to Poles: their musical genius. His real name was Soomo Soomoyanm but as a monk he assumed the monastic name Komitas, and that is what they call him here. He was born in Turkey in 1869. At that time the majority of Armenians lived in Turkey. Estimates differ: two, three million, He studied composition in Berlin. He dedicated his entire life to Armenian music. He wandered around villages collecting songs. He established tens, others say hundreds, of Armenian choirs. He was a wandering balladeer; he improvised epics; he sang. He created hundreds of compositions, magnificent, great, known to all the Philharmonic orchestras of the world. He wrote masses, sung to this day in Armenian churches.

In 1915 the massacre of Armenians began in Turkey. Until the time of Hitler, it was the greatest massacre in world history: 1.5 million Armenians perished. Turkish soldiers dragged Komitas up on a cliff from which they were going to push him, at the last minute his pupil, the sultan of Istanbul’s daughter, saved him. But he had already seen the abyss, and this made him lose his mind.

He was forty-five years old then. Someone took him to Paris. He did not know that he was in Paris. He lived on for twenty more years. He did not make a sound. Twenty years in an institution for the mentally ill. He hardly walked, said nothing, but he watched. One can assume that he could see; those who visited him say that he observed faces.

Questioned, he did not answer.

They tried various things. They sat him down at the organ. He got up and walked away. They played records for him. He gave the impression that he did not hear. Someone placed a folk instrument on his knees, the tar. He carefully laid it aside. No one knows for certain whether he was ill. What if he chose silence?

Perhaps that was his freedom.

He had not died, but he no longer lived.

He existed-did-not-exist in that limbo between life and death, the purgatory of the insane. Those who visited him say that he grew more and more tired. He became stooped, gaunt; his skin blackened. Sometimes he tapped his finger along the table, in silence, for the table emitted no sound. He was calm, always serious.

He died in 1935: and so only after twenty years did he fall into the abyss from which his pupil, the sultan of Istanbul’s daughter, had once saved him.

from Imperium, 1993, translated by Klara Glowczeska

An excellent website: The Virtual Museum of Komitas

An account of Komitas' experiences during the genocide (warning: quite harrowing).

4. The Background to the Genocide

Donald E. Miller & Lorna Touryan Miller:

Political instability and insecurity frequently breed delusionary visions as compensations for actual power. It is within this soil that the xenophobic nationalist ideology of Ziya Goklap, one of the principal ideologists for the Young Turks, took root. He asserted that nationalism, rather than Ottomanism, as the modern religion and viewed pluralism as a threat to the social stability of the state. Thus, Armenians, with their different religion, customs and language, were a threat to pan-Turkism. Distorting the theory of social cohesion expressed by the French sociologist Emile Durkheim, Gokalp argued for a homogeneous Turkey in which allegiance to the nation replaced obedience to God. Cultural homogeneity became an end in itself, giving the young Turks the justification for eliminating what they perceived to be a troublesome element of their population.

In addition to the ideology propounded by the leadership, a genocide requires massive participation at the local level by those who are willing to follow orders and who may also be expressing their personal frustration and hostilities. In the case of the Armenian Genocide, animosity was created by unequal patterns of modernization between their Armenians and Turkish neighbors. For a variety of reasons – including the influence of Protestant missionaries, the education of Armenians in Europe and America, and the multilingual ability of many Armenians – Armenians had much greater social mobility than did their Muslim neighbors. Although 70 percent of the Ottoman Armenians were peasants or relatively impoverished, Armenians in the empire controlled 60 percent of imports, 40 percent of exports and 80 percent of commerce. Ronal Suny summarises the imbalance as follows: “Of the 42 printing plants in the empire, 26 were owned by non-Muslims, only 11 by Muslims; of metal-working plants, 20 were owned by non-Muslims, only 1 by a Muslim; of the famous Bursa raw silk manufactories. 6 were owned by Muslims, 2 by the government, and 33 by the minorities.” (Although in these instances, most of the ‘non-Muslims’ were Armenian, the term also encompassed Greeks and Jews.) At the local level, too, Armenians had made great progress compared to the Turks. For example, Stephan Astourian cites sources indicating that in Cicilia 70 percent of the Turkish newborn babies died at birth in contrast to only 10 percent of the Armenian babies. In addition, he states that Armenians in Cicilia were modernizing by importing machine technology which, in turn, was putting Turkish laborers out of work. Such differences created jealousy and hostility and help to explain the participation of local Turks and Kurds in the Armenian Genocide and, especially, their sadism and brutality expressed against Armenians. The Young Turk leadership mobilized the Turks and Kurds by preying on their feelings of threat and jealousy toward Armenian modernization. In short, a minority group such as the Armenians is tolerated as long as it remains powerless and serves the interest of the dominant class or population; but if it achieves equality or threatens actual superiority, then the likelihood of repression is increased.”

(p47-49 Survivors, An Oral history of the Armenian Genocide, Donald E. Miller & Lorna Touryan Miller, 1993, University of California Press)

5. The Genocide

The History Place:

As a prelude to the coming action, Turks disarmed the entire Armenian population under the pretext that the people were naturally sympathetic toward Christian Russia. Every last rifle and pistol was forcibly seized, with severe penalties for anyone who failed to turn in a weapon. Quite a few Armenian men actually purchased a weapon from local Turks or Kurds (nomadic Muslim tribesmen) at very high prices so they would have something to turn in.

At this time, about forty thousand Armenian men were serving in the Turkish Army. In the fall and winter of 1914, all of their weapons were confiscated and they were put into slave labor battalions building roads or were used as human pack animals. Under the brutal work conditions they suffered a very high death rate. Those who survived would soon be shot outright. For the time had come to move against the Armenians.

The decision to annihilate the entire population came directly from the ruling triumvirate of ultra-nationalist Young Turks. The actual extermination orders were transmitted in coded telegrams to all provincial governors throughout Turkey. Armed roundups began on the evening of April 24, 1915, as 300 Armenian political leaders, educators, writers, clergy and dignitaries in Constantinople (present day Istanbul) were taken from their homes, briefly jailed and tortured, then hanged or shot.

Next, there were mass arrests of Armenian men throughout the country by Turkish soldiers, police agents and bands of Turkish volunteers. The men were tied together with ropes in small groups then taken to the outskirts of their town and shot dead or bayoneted by death squads. Local Turks and Kurds armed with knives and sticks often joined in on the killing.

Then it was the turn of Armenian women, children, and the elderly. On very short notice, they were ordered to pack a few belongings and be ready to leave home, under the pretext that they were being relocated to a non-military zone for their own safety. They were actually being taken on death marches heading south toward the Syrian desert.

Most of the homes and villages left behind by the rousted Armenians were quickly occupied by Muslim Turks who assumed instant ownership of everything. In many cases, young Armenian children were spared from deportation by local Turks who took them from their families. The children were coerced into denouncing Christianity and becoming Muslims, and were then given new Turkish names. For Armenian boys the forced conversion meant they each had to endure painful circumcision as required by Islamic custom.

Individual caravans consisting of thousands of deported Armenians were escorted by Turkish gendarmes. These guards allowed roving government units of hardened criminals known as the "Special Organization" to attack the defenseless people, killing anyone they pleased. They also encouraged Kurdish bandits to raid the caravans and steal anything they wanted. In addition, an extraordinary amount of sexual abuse and rape of girls and young women occurred at the hands of the Special Organization and Kurdish bandits. Most of the attractive young females were kidnapped for a life of involuntary servitude.

The death marches, involving over a million Armenians, covered hundreds of miles and lasted months. Indirect routes through mountains and wilderness areas were deliberately chosen in order to prolong the ordeal and to keep the caravans away from Turkish villages.

Food supplies being carried by the people quickly ran out and they were usually denied further food or water. Anyone stopping to rest or lagging behind the caravan was mercilessly beaten until they rejoined the march. If they couldn't continue they were shot. A common practice was to force all of the people in the caravan to remove every stitch of clothing and have them resume the march in the nude under the scorching sun until they dropped dead by the roadside from exhaustion and dehydration.

An estimated 75 percent of the Armenians on these marches perished, especially children and the elderly. Those who survived the ordeal were herded into the desert without a drop of water. Others were killed by being thrown off cliffs, burned alive, or drowned in rivers.

The Turkish countryside became littered with decomposing corpses. At one point, Mehmed Talaat responded to the problem by sending a coded message to all provincial leaders: "I have been advised that in certain areas unburied corpses are still to be seen. I ask you to issue the strictest instructions so that the corpses and their debris in your vilayet are buried."

But his instructions were generally ignored. Those involved in the mass murder showed little interest in stopping to dig graves. The roadside corpses and emaciated deportees were a shocking sight to foreigners working in Turkey. Eyewitnesses included German government liaisons, American missionaries, and U.S. diplomats stationed in the country.

Wegner-DSC_0132.JPG A Family without Shelter in the Desert, Syria 1915, from Armeniapedia

6. Aghavni's Story

In 1915, about a month before Sivas was deported, Aghavni recalled, many of the local Armenian political leaders were imprisoned. Sixty Armenian men were hanged one day, followed by thirty the next, and twenty-five more the following day. Aghavni also reported that at night many of the men who had been imprisoned were chained together, taken outside the city, and killed. Her husband, Bedros, who was in the army, was also killed.

An eyewitness to his death reported that a group of Armenian soldiers was collectively shot. The witness was among those shot, but he pretended to be dead and crawled out from under a pile of bodies hours later...

Sivas was deported with very little warning. Aghavni said that they had a two-day’s supply of bread in the house, which they took with them as they started the deportation journey. At the time, she was twenty years old and had two children: a nine month old boy and a three-and-a-half-year-old girl. Together with her uncle’s wife, Aghavni rented a donkey, and they put their children and a few provisions on its back. They had only gone three days, however, when the donkey tired and refused to move. So Aghavni and her mother-in-law took the children down and began carrying them.

Aghavni’s mother was leading another donkey with some of their possessions. However, she lagged behind the rest of the caravan, and from some distance, Aghavni observed a gendarme shoot her. Immediately, Aghavni rushed to her mother, but when she approached the body a gendarme threatened to kill her also, so she was forced to return to her children and mother-in-law. Together, the mother-in-law and Aghavni alternated carrying her three-year-old on their backs, while the baby was carried in one of their arms.

For seven months they walked. Her grandmother was drowned by gendarmes in the River Euphrates. Along the route, two of her aunts were also killed. Her uncle and a neighbour had their throats slit by Turks. Her brother fled from the caravan and was presumably killed; she never saw him again. Food and water were extremely scarce... At night they slept in the open, without any protective covering. She remembered women in the caravan being raped by gendarmes at night. But her mother-in-law kept comforting her by saying, “My son was good, and no one will enter his bed.”

While being deported, Aghavni observed hundreds of young women commit suicide by drowning themselves in the Euphrates. She said the rivers were awash with bodies of people who had been killed by the Turks, as well as those who had drowned themselves. At one point, in despair, she left her children on the river bank and threw herself in the river, but a relative saw her and solicited the assistance of a kind gendarme who pulled her out of the water. As she had lapsed into unconsciousness, the next thing she remembered was the gendarme slapping her on the back trying to revive her, and her young daughter crying in a thin voice, ‘Gendarme, don’t hit Aghavni. Don’t hit Aghavni.” This gendarme was an older man with a real conscience, she said. In fact, he gave Aghavni three gold pieces and instructed her, ‘Take it and don’t throw yourself in again.’

Her good fortune was short-lived, however. They had traveled for barely three hours the next day when the caravan was attacked by Kurds. The three gold pieces were stolen, as well as a shawl that she had folded inside of her son’s diaper; it had been a prized wedding present. Stripped of everything but their lives, Aghavni and her mother-in-law continued to carry her children as they were herded toward Der-Zor: “We went by way of the mountains, we did not go by the correct routes from town to town. We went up and down mountains. Up and down. I had an apron and I used to wrap my baby in it and hold the other end with my teeth, and climb the mountain that way.” Both of her children died on this journey, and perhaps because it was too painful, she did not give the details of their deaths. Her mother-in-law also died, but not until the two of them had almost reached Der-Zor.

All alone on the outskirts of Der-Zor, her resources - physical, mental and spiritual – were spent. Exhausted, she lay down naked on the bank of the Euphrates River, ready to die. But as she lay there, two elderly Turks came upon her: “[One of the Turks] took his stick and poked me with it. You know, even when you’re dead, you still don’t want to die. So I turned when he poked me. When I moved, he said ‘Tabour, take this girl home. She is a sweet one. Bring her up, and when your son returns from the army, give her to him.’ ... I was lying down, dead. I got up, but I could not walk ... Also, I was all naked. And I was embarrassed.”

One of the men took Aghavni home. While his wife bathed her, he went out and bought her clothes. She lay in bed for three weeks, and after that she was sent to live with a servant and his wife who continued to nurse her back to health. When she remarried several years later, she named her firstborn son Bedros in memory of her deceased husband, and her second son after her brother who had escaped the caravan and was presumed dead.

Aghavni’s story exemplifies many themes that characterize the experience of women during the deportations. By the end of the deportation journey, all her support structures had completely disappeared. Her husband had been killed, her mother was shot, and her mother-in-law was dead from exhaustion. By the time she reached Der-Zor, she was completely alone. She had struggled against insuperable odds to care for her children, and after their deaths she lost all sense of meaning in her life. She survived, however, because someone cared for her. These themes reverberate throughout our interviews, with substantial variations.

(from p95-97, Survivors, An Oral history of the Armenian Genocide, Donald E. Miller & Lorna Touryan Miller, 1993, University of California Press)

Gruesome Photographs from the Deportations


7. Targetting Memory

Realizing that infants of tender age could remember these horrifying events and one day seek revenge, the Minister of the Interior of the CUP-led government sent the following telegram:

"Number 830, December 12th 1915, To the administration of Aleppo: gather and feed only those orphans who do not remember the disaster their parents suffered. Send away all the rest with the caravans."

from the video at 20 voices

8. Hitler's 'Armenia Quote

The Hitler Armenia Quote

The Armenian quote is a paragraph allegedly included in a speech by Adolf Hitler to Wehrmacht commanders at his Obersalzberg home on August 22, 1939, a week before the German invasion of Poland.

"Our strength is our quickness and our brutality. Ghengis Khan had millions of women and children hunted down and killed, deliberately and with a gay heart. History sees in him only the great founder of States. What the weak Western European civilization alleges about me, does not matter. I have given the order - and will have everyone shot who utters but one word of criticism - that the aim of this war does not consist in reaching certain geographical lines, but in the enemies' physical elimination. Thus, for the time being only in the east, I put ready my Death's Head units, with the order to kill without pity or mercy all men, women, and children of the Polish race or language. Only thus will we gain the living space that we need. Who still talks nowadays of the extermination of the Armenians?"

further link:

Armenia genocide org.

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June 06, 2006

Armenia - Stone Worked to the Bone


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Khor Virab Monastery With Mount Ararat in the background

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Garni Temple 1st Century AD

Vahan:

From pre-Christian, pagan times... It's Greek style. It was a time of cross-influence, an exchange of building styles. They had similar gods, just the names were different. For example Venus in Armenia was Anahit. In Armenia there was no marble, so they built it from basalt, which makes it so unique. If you go to Sicily there is a Parthenon, but built from completely different stone... Most of these pagan temples were turned into Christian temples, but this one stayed as it was. It was also destroyed by an earthquake, because there are a lot of serious earthquakes in Armenia, and it wasn't until the eighties that they rebuilt it, piece by piece...

Wikipedia:

The temple was constructed in the 1st century AD by the King Tiridates I of Armenia and probably funded with money the king received from emperor Nero during his visit to Rome. The temple was most likely dedicated to the Hellenistic god Mithras. The roof is supported by 24 columns with Ionic capitals and Attic basements. Unlike other Greco-Roman temples, it is made of basalt. In 1679 it was destroyed by an earthquake. Most of the original pieces remained at the site until the 20th century, allowing the building to be reconstructed between 1969 and 1979.


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Zvartnots Cathedral 641-661


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Zvartnots Cathedral 641-661

Vahan:

One of the first Christian temples in Armenia, destroyed by a huge earthquake. This temple is quite unusual for being round ...


Wikipedia:

Between 643 and 652 the Katholikos Nerses III (nicknamed the builder) built a majestic St. George cathedral at the place where a meeting between king Trdat III and Gregory the Illuminator was supposed to have taken place. In 930 the church was ruined by an earthquake, and remained buried until its rediscovery in the early 20th century.


Vahan:

Later, after the middle ages, the Armenians started building temples and monasteries that were designed to be resistant to earthquakes.


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Haghpat Monastery 10th-13th Century

Haghpat Armeniapedia Entry

Vahan:

It's another complex - there is a temple, there was an observatory here in the Middle Ages, cells where monks were isolated. There are four stages of its building. The monks developed it over the years... The site probably dates back to pre-Christian times... When the Turks invaded many of these monasteries were burnt - you can see here that the roof is burnt, but by this time most of the monasteries were built entirely from stone, so that they would survive, no matter what happened. They strengthened these buildings so they could withstand anything, so that they became virtually indestructible. If they had known that there were going to be such things as nuclear bombs, they probably would have built them underground! Both the monks and the buildings were toughened up because they were threatened from all sides.

Kapuściński:

In the year 301, during the reign of the emperor of the Armenians Tiridates III Arashakuni, Armenia adopts Christianity. It is the first country in the world in which Christianity attains the rank of state religion. Conflict hangs in the air: neighbouring Persia professes Zoroastrianism, hostile to Christianity, and from the south Islam will soon draw near, hostile to both. The epoch of unleashed fanaticisms begins, of religious massacres, sectarianism, schisms, medieval madness. And Armenia enters this epoch.

Armenians have their church, which is called the Holy Apostolic Armenian Church. In the centuries-long feud between the Vatican and Byzantium, they occupied a middle ground - somewhat closer, however, to the Vatican. That is why, although they belonged to the group of churches practicing the Greek rite, in Constantinople they were counted among those who had severed themselves - among the heretics even. "Their rite," Runciman reports, "diverged in many particulars from the Greek. They readily offered bloody animal sacrifices, they began the great feast on the Septuagesima, fasted on Saturdays, and above all used unleavened bread in the Eucharist." Because of this bread, on which they heretically insisted, they were contemptuously called "the unleavened." (Imperium 1993, translated by Klara Glowczeska)



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Tatev Monastery, 9th-17th century

Tatev Monastery Armeniapedia Entry

Vahan:

Places where monks isolated themselves off from the rest of the world... the monastery complexes are built in the most inaccessible places. They are difficult to get to today, so you can imagine what it was like then... You had to get past all these chasms and precipices in order to get to them.


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Lmbatavank St Stephanos 7th century

Vahan:

Armenia is like one huge piece of tuff. Tuff is a beautiful volcanic rock that comes in many different colours - red, brown, light blue... This is one of the things that make the architecture of Armenia unique.


TourArmenia
:
Armenia holds some 3 billion cubic meters of tuff, an easily cut yet resilient material, and most buildings from the early Christian period forward are made from the orange, red, gold and black varieties of tuff. Other stone in the country include basalt, granite, marble, limestone, perlite, andestie, perlite, limestone, agate, pumice and gypsum.

Also cooked up in the country were iron, polymetals, aluminum, molibden, tungsten, diatomite, gold, silver, copper, tin, mercury, barium, sulfur, bentonite, sodium chloride, among other minerals. Semi-precious and precious stones found in Armenia include obsidian, amethyst, andesite, andelusite, emerald, garnet, beryl, turquoise, several grades of quartz, carnelian, aquamarine, lapis lazuli and diamonds.



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Geghard Monastery 13th century

Geghard Monastery Armeniapedia Entry

Vahan:

This temple was hewn from one huge rock. The sculptor dug a hole in the top and hollowed out the temple from the inside. The holy place for them was inside the stone. It was done by monks, not slaves.


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Geghard Monastery


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Hripsime Church 618

Hripsime Church Armeniapedia Entry

Vahan:

Those walls probably date back to pre-Christian times. This is a very important thing: the Christian temples in Armenia were constructed on spots where there were already temples. They transformed them. They said 'Christianity? Okay, Christianity...' and they transformed the old temples.


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Hripsime Temple


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Echmiadzin Cathedral 301-480 AD

Vahan:

This is called the mother of all temples, a kind of Vatican for the Armenian Church, and under this cathedral, under the altar, there is a ring of fire for pagan rituals - they didn't destroy it, you see, they maintained it as a holy place. This is completely different to other cases where Christianity wiped out paganism and destroyed its buildings. No, in Armenia they built on top, or alongside of the old faith...

Armeniapedia:

Another secret is a fire pit beneath the altar. This is where pagans worshipped fire before Christianity. It is in the small museum in the main cathedral, with the entrance to the right of the altar. There are some religious artifacts in display cases, but you usually need to ask to be shown the fire worshipping pit, at which time a small donation is hinted at. Above the door which descends into the fire pit area is the lance ("Geghard") which is said to have pierced Christ's side.


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Detail of Echmiadzin

Vahan:

...the symbols... the connections... Aztecs, the Mayans, Buddhists, Hindus, all those religions that you could observe, even though they are completely different from Christianity, in this case you can find everything here...In this layer you can find every kind of symbol, for example the feathered serpent that is found with the Mayans, it's here in what's meant to be a Christian building... And this is a very important thing - all the symbols are logical. If you start with a line it will lead you all the way round the temple because it is logical...


Aztec Feathered Serpents

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The feathered serpent, shown here in a carving from the Aztec city of Tenochtitlán


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Feathered serpents, Teotihuacan

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Detail of Echmiadzin

Vahan:

... this is the Armenian equivalent of the pentagram, made from two squares...

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Echmiadzin Pillar

... the base. How mystically the sculptors must have viewed this stone, to make a pillar such an unbelievably strong base, when you approach this pillar you feel such an incredible strength...


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The Monk's Stone

This is another very, very important thing. A pious monk comes and thinks 'I am going to put my sculpture - my cross, my prayer - here, exactly here, in this place.' But look at the stone he had to work on to put it there! He could have put it a bit to the right - no problem. But no, you can't do things the easy way. He decided on this spot and look how much work it must have cost him, chipping away at that archstone... It's like the way the Mayans built their pyramids - they made things difficult for themselves. In devotion there are no shortcuts.


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Symbol of Eternity

... this is the symbol of eternity in Armenia...


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Khachkar, Hripsime Temple

This cross - if we look at all the plaitings - all the symbols of the world are in there. You can find the pentagram, the symbols of eternity, the swastika that Hitler stole, and all the kinds of plaitings that the Aztecs used - it's all there. It's a mystical devotion to stone, they worked their fingers to the bone to give stone a mystical significance.